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代写coursework,Cesar Chavez and His Movement
发表日期:2013-10-07 08:54:37 | 来源:assignment.cc | 当前的位置:首页 > 代写coursework > 正文
Cesar Chavez and His Movement: The Religious Perspective

Introduction

At first, I didn’t know much about Cesar Chavez and his cause to help farmers. As I started reading several of his speeches, I discovered a common ground. During most of his speeches and strikes, Cesar frequently made references to the teachings of the Catholic Church. My research relates to why Chavez promoted his Catholic faith in his speeches, and what type of impact did it have on the migrant farm workers and the Catholic Church.

Cesar Chavez and His Motivation for Justice

Cesar Chavez was born on March 31, 1927, in Yuma Arizona. His family lived in a small farm that was granted down to the family by his grandfather.1 Trying to survive the Great Depression, the family had to migrate because they were unable to pay their property taxes. “The loss of land planted the seed of rebelliousness that would one day grow into Cesar Chavez’s willingness to protest against injustice to farm workers.”2 However, the main resentment occurred during school. Born speaking the Spanish language, the school reminded him he was an outsider:

In class one of my biggest problems was the language. Of course, we bitterly resented not being able to speak Spanish, but they insisted that we had to learn English. They said that if we were American, then

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we should speak the language, and if we wanted to speak Spanish, we should go back to Mexico.

When we spoke Spanish, the teacher swooped down on us. I remember the ruler whistling through the air as its edge came down sharply across my knuckles. It really hurt. Even out in the playground, speaking Spanish brought punishment.3

This type of treatment was the typical to Mexican-American immigrants and migrants. From a personal standpoint, my grandmother would tell me similar stories of how she was ridiculed by the teachers and the students when she emigrated from Mexico to the United States during the 1930s. Like Cesar Chavez, my grandmother never received a formal education. Her large family couldn’t afford sending everyone to school. There wasn’t enough money, and she was forced to drop out of school in order to help maintain the house along with her sisters while her brothers were out working in the cotton fields.

This form of “Americanization” to speak English was forced upon many foreigners. For Chavez, however, this treatment didn’t just stay in the schools; it followed him everywhere he went as he remembers being forced to sit in segregated sections in movie theaters and being denied service in restaurants.4 All these experiences, from racial discrimination

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to the harsh migrant life, would later be the planting seeds to build a union dedicated to eliminating those injustices.

The American Catholic Church was not too optimistic about Mexican-Americans either. The Catholic Church and the culture of Mexican Americans are very different. In Jay Dolan’s book,Mexican Americans and the Catholic Church: 1900-1965, “Hispanics bring to the Catholic Church spiritual and communal traditions which are very different from those of other Catholics whose origins lie in Anglo-Saxon and Eastern European cultures. The challenges presented to the United States Church by the large numbers of Hispanics will be formidable.”5 Mexican Americans has been criticized for their “faith expressions” that did not always reflect official American Catholic Church teachings and regulations.6

However, this was not the case with the entire Catholic Church. When Chavez moved to San Jose, California in 1952, he met a Roman Catholic priest who would dramatically impact his life.7Father Donald McDonnell became acquainted with Chavez, and later began teaching Chavez about social justice and labor movements among farm workers. McDonnell introduced encyclicals of Pope Leo XIII that outlined the church’s support for workers who protests against injustices. These new ideas shared with Chavez sparked the development of his own personal

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philosophy that would inspire him to develop his own crusade to help farm workers.8

The Philosophy behind Cesar Chavez

Chavez’s intellectual and moral basis for organizing farm workers came from not only from Father McDonnell but from studying a variety of subjects who were great leaders in history. However, he was particularly influenced by Mohandas Gandhi. It was through Gandhi that Chavez was inspired to introduce his own philosophy of nonviolence.9 After gaining vital experience from working as an organizer for the Community Service Organization (CSO), Chavez decided to move to Delano, California in 1962 to start his own union devoted to farm workers.

His first step in organizing was to learn the physical makeup of Delano and get acquainted with the farmers. Then, he mapped out towns between Arvin and Stockton and visited each one of them over the course of six months. When he saw workers in the fields, he approached them to see if they were interested in joining a union. In 1962, Chavez convinced enough farmers to form a union known as the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA). The group would change its name several times, finally settling on the United Farm Workers (UFW).10 However, it was not an easy task forming an organization. In 1965, he delivered a speech at a

meeting of the California Students Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in Fresno talking about how difficult it was to establish the NFWA. He spoke about the importance of the number of people in the union and the importance of outside help.11

Chavez found it useful to promote his newly established union to a nonviolent committee such as the SNCC to prove to the nation that this farmers union was a nonviolent one. However, nonviolence tactics did not attract all the support he needed, especially when the opposition resulted in violence. In 1966, two thousand Filipino farmers of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) protested over receiving lower salaries than braceros. Braceros are temporary workers from Mexico that are recruited by the grower industries. Larry Itiong, the head of the AWOC asked Chavez and the UFW to strike against grape growers. Chavez agreed to strike but the moment they began to hit the picket lines, the growers fired guns at the strikers. Chavez recalled: “in a period of seven days we had fourteen incidents where they actually fired a gun at the strikers.” 12

Chavez quickly realized the importance of outside help after the grape strike. Chavez thought that the strike would be only against the growers but he was wrong. He later recalled:

Within twenty-four hours from the movement that we had hit the picket lines, the City Council had passed a resolution condemning the Red ties. The High School Board and the Elementary School Board had done the same thing. And the Chamber of Commerce did it also with the exception that their statement was a lot more wordy. And three days later when everything seemed to be against us the Church had not yet acted…At that point we were cut off completely. We had no friends in Delano except for the workers. We had no money…Things looked very bad for us.13

Using Religion

Chavez knew that if he wanted to rebound from this negativity, he would need support from the Catholic Church. Since most of his UFW was composed of Mexican Catholics, the blessings of the Church would legitimize the union and unite their followers.14 However, the Catholic Church was not really helping his cause at first, but he was getting help from the California Migrant Ministry (CMM). At first Cesar was suspicious of the CMM because they were Protestant, but he later admired them for their help and condemned the Catholic Church for not helping his cause for justice. In his speech “The Mexican American and

the Church,” he thanks the entirety of the Church, not the Catholic Church, for the help with the Delano grape strike.

At about that same time, we began to run into the California Migrant Ministry in the camps and field. They were about the only ones there, and a lot of us were very suspicious, since we were Catholics and they were Protestants. However, they had developed a very clear conception of the Church. It was called to serve, to be at the mercy of the poor, and not to try to use them. After a while this made a lot of sense to us, and we began to find ourselves working side by side with them. In fact, it forced us to raise the question why our Church was not doing the same.15

It became obvious that the Protestant groups were deeply involved with Chavez and his cause. Chavez and the farm workers wanted the church to walk with them in their struggle for justice. Chavez wanted the Catholic Church to serve the farmers because their cause for justice was legitimate:

What do we want the Church to do? We don’t ask for more cathedrals. We don’t ask for bigger churches or fine gifts. We ask

for its presence with us, beside us, as Christ among us. We ask the Church to sacrifice with the people for social change, for justice, and for love of brother. We don’t’ ask for words. We ask for deeds. We don’t ask for paternalism. We ask for servanthood.16

This was a good strategy for Chavez since it placed the Catholic Church in a position that if they don’t help the farmers, the Church would risk getting criticized for helping the oppressors of the farmers. He finally got the help he was looking for. In 1966, Chavez planned to enter the DiGiorgio grape property in order to retrieve personal belongings left at the camp by the farmers. Chavez “wanted to have either Father Victor Salandini, a Catholic priest, or Chris Hartmire [an ordained minister] go into the camp as witnesses.”17 However, the priests were promptly arrested when they entered the property, but were later released. The result of the priests being arrested sparked a unity between the Catholic Church and the Mexican American cause to stop injustices.

In 1968, the U.S. Catholic bishops addressed the need for the Catholic Church to assist in reconciliation between the growers and the farmers. “In addition, the bishops recognized the legitimacy of the workers’ demand for legislative protection for their right to organize for the purpose of collective-bargaining contracts…Finally, the U.S. bishops

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affirmed the moral teaching of the church with regard to the right of workers to organize and strike.”18 Chavez reaching out to the Catholic Church and the Catholic Church responding, portrayed to the nation that the farmer’s cause was a religious and moral movement to end injustice. The religious imagery, in turn, united the farmers and it’s followers.

Conclusion

Cesar Chavez and his religious perspective helped unite people to fight for the farmers. By being acquainted with the writings of Pope Leo XIII, Chavez understood the impact religion can have when fighting for injustices. The Catholic Church preaches good morals and ethics, so Chavez was able to relate his cause to the teachings of the Church. The religious ties brought respect to the organization especially among Hispanics. The majority of Hispanics are very religious people. I know this because I’ve lived in a Hispanic environment all my life. My mother and father are Hispanics and religious faith plays a big role in our lives. In fact, I’ve seen a lot of Hispanics go to the extreme of tattooing the crucifix or the Virgin Mary on their bodies to show their religious faith to the public. It’s the homespun religion we obtain from our elders that keeps the Mexican-American and Catholicism united. Chavez knew the

relationships between Mexican Catholics and the Church, so he successfully united his followers by using religious imagery.

Dalton, Frederick John. The Moral Vision of Cesar E. Chavez. New York: Orbis Books, 2003.

Dolan, Jay. Mexican Americans and the Catholic Church. University of Notre Dame Press, 1994.

Hammerback, John C., and Richard J. Jensen. The Rhetorical Career of Cesar Chavez. College Station: Texas A&M Press, 1998.

Ingram, Catherine. “Cesar Chavez.” In In the Footsteps of Gandhi: Conversations with Spiritual Social Activists, 98-121. Berkeley, Calif.: Parallaz Press, 1990.

Levy, Jacques E. Cesar Chavez: Autobiography of La Causa. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1975.

Meister, Dick, and Anne Loftis. A long Time Coming: The Struggle to Unionize America’s Farm Workers. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1977.

Mosqueda, Lawrence J. Chicanos, Catholicism and Political Ideology. Lanham, MD.: University of Press of America, 1996.

介绍
起初,我不知道很多关于塞萨尔查韦斯和他的事业,帮助农民。当我开始读一些他的演讲中,我发现了一个共同点。在他的演讲和罢工,塞萨尔经常提到的天主教教会的教导。我的研究涉及到,为什么查韦斯提倡他的天主教信仰在他的讲话,并没有外来农民工和天主教会是什么类型的影响。
塞萨尔查韦斯和他的正义动机
塞萨尔·查韦斯出生于1927年3月31日,在亚利桑那州尤马。他的家人住在一个小农场,被授予了对家庭的他grandfather.1试图生存的大萧条,家庭不得不迁移,因为他们无法支付他们的物业税。 “失去土地种植叛逆的种子,总有一天会成长为塞萨尔查韦斯,抗议不公正的农场工人的意愿。 ”然而,在校期间发生的主要不满。出生讲西班牙语,学校提醒他,他是一个局外人:
在课堂上,我的一个最大的问题是语言。当然,我们悻悻不满不能够讲西班牙语,但他们坚持,我们不得不学习英语。他们说,如果我们是美国,然后
比利亚雷亚尔2
我们应该讲的语言,如果我们想讲西班牙语,我们应该回到墨西哥。
我们讲西班牙语的时候,老师俯冲下来我们。我记得的统治者,通过空中呼啸,其边缘可以在我的指关节急剧下跌。痛啊。即使在操场,讲西班牙语带来的punishment.3
这种类型的治疗是典型的墨西哥裔美国移民和移民。从个人的角度来看,我的祖母告诉我她是如何由教师和学生嘲笑时,她从墨西哥移民到美国在20世纪30年代类似的故事。塞萨尔查韦斯一样,我的祖母从未接受正规教育。她大的家庭负担不起送大家到学校。有没有足够的钱,她被迫辍学,以帮助维持房子与她的姐妹们一起,而她的兄弟们在棉田工作。
这种形式的“美国化” ,讲英语时被迫许多外国人。然而,对于查韦斯,这种治疗方法并没有仅仅停留在学校跟着他每到一处他记得被迫坐在隔离部分在电影院被拒绝服务restaurants.4所有这些经验,从种族歧视
比利亚雷亚尔3
苛刻的移民生活,以后会建立一个联盟,致力于消除这些不公正的播种。
美国天主教会是不是太看好墨西哥裔美国人。天主教会和墨西哥裔美国人的文化有很大的不同。在周杰伦刀郎书,墨西哥裔美国人和天主教教堂: 1900-1965 , “西班牙裔天主教会带来精神和社区的传统,这是非常不同的其他天主教徒,其起源于盎格鲁 - 撒克逊和东欧文化。大量西班牙裔美国教会提出的挑战将是艰巨的。 “ 5墨西哥裔美国人一直被批评为他们的”信仰的表达“,并不总是反映美国官方天主教教义和regulations.6
然而,这是不是整个天主教教会的情况。当查韦斯搬到美国加利福尼亚州圣何塞, 1952年,他遇到了一个罗马天主教神父,将极大地影响他的父亲唐纳德·麦克唐纳life.7结识,后来开始与查韦斯查韦斯教学有关社会正义和农场工人之间的劳动力流动。麦克唐纳教皇利奥十三世谕介绍,概述了教会的支持工人抗议不公正。与查韦斯分享这些新的想法引发了他自己的个人发展
比利亚雷亚尔4
理念,将激励他开发他自己的改革,以帮助农场workers.8
塞萨尔查韦斯背后的哲学
查韦斯组织农场工人的智力和道德基础,不仅来自父亲麦克唐纳,但是从学习各种科目谁在历史上是伟大的领导人。然而,他特别甘地的影响。它是通过甘地查韦斯启发介绍他自己的哲学nonviolence.9获得重要的经验后,从工作作为社区服务组织( CSO )的组织者,查韦斯决定移动到Delano,加利福尼亚州在1962年开始了自己的工会专门给农民工。
他的第一步是在组织学习的物理构成的德拉诺,并结识了农民。然后,他制定了阿尔文和斯托克顿之间的城镇,并参观了他们每个人在六个月。当他看到工人在田间地头,他走近他们,看看他们是否有兴趣加入工会。 1962年,查韦斯说服足够多的农民被称为全国农垦工人协会( NFWA “ )成立工会。该小组将改变几易其名,最后定居于美国农场工人( UFW ) .10然而,它是形成一个组织,不是一件容易的事。 1965年,他在发表讲话
加州学生非暴力协调委员会( SNCC )在弗雷斯诺会议谈论建立NFWA是多么困难。他谈到的重要性,人们在工会的数量和重要性外help.11的
查韦斯发现它有用SNCC向全国证明,这个农民​​工会是一个非暴力,如非暴力委员会推广他新成立的工会。然而,非暴力的战术并没有吸引所有支持他所需要的,尤其是,当反对派导致暴力。在1966年, 2000菲律宾农民的抗议农业工人组委会( AWOC ) ,超过接收比braceros较低的工资。 Braceros墨西哥临时工招募种植者产业。拉里Itiong的AWOC头问查韦斯和UFW打击葡萄种植者。查韦斯同意罢工,但他们开始打纠察线的那一刻,种植者鸣枪罢工。查韦斯回忆说: “在一个为期七天,我们有14个事件,他们实际上开枪罢工。 ”
葡萄罢工后,查韦斯很快就意识到外界的帮助的重要性。查韦斯认为罢工将只对种植者,但他错了。他后来回忆说:
在二十四小时的运动,我们击中了纠察线,市议会已通过一项决议,谴责红色领带。高中董事会及小学局做了同样的事情。商会也做了例外,他们的声明是很多多罗嗦。三天后,当一切似乎都对我们教会尚未行事......在这一点上我们完全被切断。我们有没有朋友在德拉诺工人除外。我们没有钱,事情看起来非常糟糕us.13
利用宗教
查韦斯知道,如果他想从这种消极情绪反弹,他需要从天主教教会的支持。由于大部分是由他UFW墨西哥天主教徒,教会的祝福将工会合法化和团结他们followers.14然而,天主教会并没有真正帮助他的事业第一,但他得到的帮助来自加州移民部( CMM ) 。起初,塞萨尔CMM是可疑的,因为他们是新教徒,但后来他佩服他们的帮助,并谴责天主教教会没有帮助他为正义事业。在他的讲话“的墨西哥裔美国人和
堂“ ,他感谢教会的全部,而不是天主教,帮助与德拉诺葡萄罢工。
在大约相同的时间,我们到加州移民部开始运行,在难民营和现场。他们唯一的,和我们很多人很可疑,因为我们是天主教徒,他们是新教徒。然而,他们的教会制定了一个非常清晰的概念。它被称为服务于穷人的怜悯,而不是尝试使用它们。过了一会儿,这使我们有很大的意义,我们开始发现自己与他们并肩作战。事实上,它迫使我们提出了一个问题,为什么我们的教会是不是做same.15
它变得明显,新教团体被深深卷入与查韦斯和他的事业。查韦斯和农场工人想教会与他们走他们的正义斗争。查韦斯希望天主教会服务农民​​,因为他们为正义的事业是合法的:
我们要教会做什么?我们不要求更多的教堂。我们不要求更大的教堂或精美礼品。我们问
它的存在与我们联系,在我们身边,正如基督在我们中间。我们要求教会与社会变革的人牺牲,为正义和爱的哥哥。 “我们不问的话。我们问的事迹。我们不问的家长作风。我们要求servanthood.16的
查韦斯,这是一个很好的策略,因为它放置的位置,如果他们不帮助农民,教会将有可能得到帮助​​农民压迫者批评天主教教会。他终于得到了他一直在寻找帮助。 1966年,查韦斯计划进入泽玛葡萄属性,以便检索由农民个人物品留在营地。查韦斯“希望有任父亲维克多Salandini ,一位天主教神父,或克里斯Hartmire [按立的牧师]进入营作为证人。” 17然而,当他们进入了属性祭司及时逮捕,但后来被释放。祭司的结果被逮捕引发了天主教教会和墨西哥裔美国人的原因停止不公正之间的团结。
在1968年,美国天主教主教天主教会协助种植者和农民之间的和解需要解决。 “此外,立法保护工人的需求,为他们的组织权为目的的集体谈判合同的合法性......最后,美国主教主教承认
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工人组织和罢工的权利方面肯定道德教学的教会。 “ 18查韦斯达到出的天主教教会和天主教教会回应,刻画了向全国农民的事业,是一个宗教和道德运动结束不公。反过来,宗教意象,团结农民和它的追随者。
结论
塞萨尔查韦斯和他的宗教的角度帮助人们团结起来,争取农民。熟悉教皇利奥十三世的著作,查韦斯理解宗教的影响可以有战斗时的不公正。天主教宣扬良好的道德和伦理,所以查韦斯是他的事业能够与教义的教会。硬生生把尊重的组织特别是拉美裔。广大的拉美裔美国人是非常虔诚的人。我知道这是因为我住在一个西班牙裔的环境我所有的生活。我的母亲和父亲是西班牙裔和信仰在我们的生活中起着很大的作用。事实上,我已经看到了很多拉美裔美国人去纹身十字架或圣母玛利亚对自己的身体,向公众展示他们的宗教信仰发挥到了极致。这是朴素的宗教,我们获得我们的长辈,让墨西哥裔美国人和天主教团结。查韦斯知道
墨西哥天主教徒和教会之间的关系,使他成功地团结了他的追随者,利用宗教意象。
弗雷德里克·约翰道尔顿。塞萨尔E.查韦斯的道德愿景。纽约:奥比斯书籍, 2003年。
刀郎,周杰伦。墨西哥裔美国人和天主教会。巴黎圣母院出版社, 1994年大学。
Hammerback ,约翰C. ,和理查德·延森。塞萨尔查韦斯的修辞职业。学院站:德克萨斯州A&M大学出版社,1998年。
英格拉姆,凯瑟琳。 “塞萨尔·查韦斯”在甘地的足迹:对话与精神的社会活动家, 98-121 。美国加州大学伯克利分校:出版社,1990 Parallaz 。
利维雅克· E.塞萨尔查韦斯: La造成的自传。纽约: W.W.的诺顿公司, 1975年。
梅斯特,迪克,安妮洛夫蒂斯。等了很久了:美国的农场工人组织工会的斗争。纽约:麦克米伦出版公司,1977。
莫斯克达,遵义墨西哥裔美国人,天主教和政治的意识形态。马里兰州Lanham :美国大学出版社,1996年。