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代写英国assignment,Parliamentary Elections Slovakia
发表日期:2013-09-28 09:37:27 | 来源:assignment.cc | 当前的位置:首页 > 代写assignment > 英国代写assignment > 正文
Parliamentary Elections Slovakia

Territories and Categories of Communities in the Parliamentary Elections 1998. In the parliamentary elections 1998 in Slovakia we can observe following features: increase of turn-out in general and especially in towns and cities, efficient merging some of opposition parties, reduction of passed votes, higher level of quantitative representation of both the new parliament and the governing coalition.

Author describes the territories of the highest support for individual political parties and groupings. Some of the territories are traditional (for instance for Hungarian parties), others have been changed (for the Party of Democratic Left) and some of them are utterly new (for the Party of Civic Understanding). Regional perspective is significant also for analysis of the 1994-1998 voting additions of the political parties. We identify some compact geographic areas dominated by one party's addition. We find out that the regional political and cultural orientation of the population and also their dynamics are distinctively differentiated.

This differentiation is not determined only ethnically, because the differentiation can also be observed within ethnically Slovak territories. Urban/rural embeddedness of political parties in Slovakia has been strengthened and urban-rural cleavage of Slovak society has been deepened between elections 1994 and 1998. The results of parliamentary elections 1994 can be described as the electoral victory of rural areas, the next one as the victory of towns and cities. We explain regional and urban-rural differences mainly from cultural perspective.

This perspective is also valid for the parliamentary elections 1998. There are three political parties in Slovakia with ethnically homogenous electorate. We analyse their results especially in ethnically mixed territory (EMT) in southern Slovakia. Mečiar's HZDS gained both in 1994 and 1998 less support from Slovaks living in EMT than from Slovaks living outside it. The Slovaks supported Slovak National Party (SNS) in 1994 slightly more outside EMT and less inside it. This difference increased in 1998, because the support for SNS increased less in EMT and more outside it. Finally, the support of Hungarians for the Hungarian Party (SMK) was stronger in EMT and weaker outside it.

These means that the strongest positions of HZDS and SNS among Slovaks are outside of EMT, in districts without direct Slovak-Hungarian contacts and the strongest positions of SMK among Hungarians are within EMT, in districts with the contacts. We analyse supports for the three parties also comparatively in relation to three ethnic types of communities within EMT. In 1996 the new districts were established in Slovakia.

They were created predominantly in the areas with strong position of HZDS. The analysis of the electoral results of HZDS in "advancing" districts and in other districts suggests that in 1998, majority of advancing districts remained a bastion of HZDS, but the support for HZDS did not increased in these districts. Vladimír Krivý Sociológia 1999, Vol. 31 (No. 1: 51-77)

Parliamentary Elections 1998 in Slovak Republic - the Challenge That Came into Effect. The paper attempts to analyse main causes and relationships of the radical change that the parliamentary elections have brought in the political life of the Slovak Republic. First, the author points to the persistence of the public opinion and explains its obliqueness and a challenge for politicians - how to project a critical opinion majority in the political stands and electoral decisions.

It was achieved only after the former opposition parties made organisation changes and in the course of the election campaign. Further, the author reveals the chief motives of the electoral behaviour in view of the results of the election analysis and shows the impact of social issues. He explains the motivation of the voters for Mečiar's HZDS as being conditioned by clientele relationships and/or by the traditional populist political opinion of the so-called residual group. Further factors of the election shift were embedded in the practical politics of the former government coalition. It was its attempt to facilitate delegatory democracy that failed face to face with the reviving civil society and political plurality supported by the free media.

As a decentralised "trench opponent," the media represented an insurmountable obstacle for the regime of the concentrated power. In the last part of the paper, the author analyses a group background for electoral decisions; he states that the influence of social structure (it has not been crystallised so far) was not recorded in spite of the intensive privatisation.

In the end, he points to potential instability of the political scene. The new governmental coalition not only faces the task how to deal effectively with accumulated problems in the economic sphere and public life, but also the task to give a clear image to political forces and their social background. Ján Stena Sociológia 1999,Vol. 31 (No. 1: 31-50)

The victory of a center-right coalition in September’s parliamentary elections 2003 has all but settled any doubts about Slovakia’s future economic and geopolitical orientation. But even if membership in the European Union (E.U.) and NATO now seems a sure thing, the new government may prove too fragile to fulfill international commitments or to deliver on domestic promises. The strains are already showing.

Echoing KDHU’s election program, Dzurinda has identified the new government’s four main goals: Slovakia’s integration into the E.U. and NATO, trimming and improving the state administration, fighting corruption, and integrating the Roma (Gypsy) population into society (Sme, Nov. 6). The new government, however, is quickly discovering how difficult it is to cut fat while maintaining services. Meanwhile, the HZDS’s second defeat despite a technical victory is prompting soul-searching among the party faithful.

“The idyll has ended” is how Jan Jasovsky, a deputy representing HZDS, described the atmosphere in Parliament on Nov. 6, during debate on a package of budget laws (Narodna Obroda, Nov. 7). Nevertheless, the legislation, which calls for cuts in social spending and tax hikes, passed the first reading. Complaints by HZDS deputies and representatives of SMER, another populist party, that the budget would cause more harm than good, fell on deaf ears. Finance Minister Ivan Miklos asserted that the Slovak National Bank and international experts supported the government’s budget and that plans to join the European monetary union by 2006 depended on corresponding legislation.

“We’re politicians,” Miklos added, “and politicians are simply unwilling to take unpopular measures. But these are unavoidable, and if we don’t take them now, the impact on citizens will be even more harsh.”

But if the government is seeking to set an example, some observers have been unimpressed. Although there was much talk during the election campaign about eliminating the number of deputy ministers, wrote Julius Gembicky, high-paying sinecures have merely been given less conspicuous titles (Narodna Obroda, Oct. 28). “This is supposedly the price of a broad coalition,” Gembicky commented. “The only problem is that it’s at our expense.” Pravda summarized the situation in a headline in its Oct. 17 issue: “The new government is thinner but still expensive.”

Earlier this year, an E.U. official declared that the high level of corruption in Slovakia was a key concern regarding Slovakia’s joining the community. Daniela Zemanovicova, program director for Transparency International Slovakia, told Narodna Obroda that points in the government’s anti-corruption program were incomplete or not explicit enough (Nov. 7). For example, it does not cover the financing of political parties. “The parties will only do what the public, the voter, forces them to do. And as the elections have shown, this is a problem area. Public pressure has to develop in order to change this system.” Political scientist Juraj Majchrak, interviewed in Sme(Nov. 5), said that a law on conflict of interest was key. In his view, the current declaration is more persuasive than the one issued by the last government four years ago.

As for the country’s Roma minority, the government remains in search of a policy. One plan, put forth by coalition partner ANO, calls for setting up communities like Israel’s kibbutzim and a new office for Roma affairs in Kosice, a city in southeastern Slovakia (Sme, Nov. 6). Experts have rejected the plan as amateurish.

HZDS’s electoral defeat despite winning a plurality of the votes could have lasting implications for the party, its chairman, and Slovak politics as a whole. So far, Meciar, a charismatic leader who has contributed much to the party’s international isolation, has beaten back efforts to force him from the top post. HZDS Deputy Chairman Vojtech Tkac is viewed as a likely successor, though he denies any ambition to replace Meciar. “We have to talk about leading HZDS out of domestic and international isolation,” Tkac told Pravda (Oct. 11). “HZDS has to find a natural ally.” January 2003 issue of World Press Review (VOL. 50, No. 01) Slovakia: Now the Hard Part Andrew Yurkovsky

Whatever Happened to Mercier?

HZDS's discontent within the governing Coalition has reached a new level - moving from words to deeds. HZDS chairman Vladimir Meciar has poached one of his coalition partner's MPs - Miroslav Kotian from the nationalist SNS, reads a Pravda daily commentary on Tuesday.

At the same time, Meciar has warned Prime Minister and Smer party leader Robert Fico that he will not be squeezed out to the fringes of government.

HZDS's nervousness and discontent is quite understandable. Meciar joined the governing Coalition with two aims, and neither of these has been realised.

First, after eight years of hunger in opposition, Meciar wanted to make HZDS into an influential party again via Coalition Council meetings and state administration posts.

Fico has completely ignored Meciar's proposals, however, more or less governing on his own.

Secondly, Meciar wanted to "promote" his own personal ambitions - presidential ones. Smer, however, has refused to support him in this. It's ally is current President Ivan Gasparovic, who first abandoned HZDS, and then defeated Meciar in the presidential election in 2004.

Finding himself in such a position, Meciar has been left with no choice but to arm himself. That's why he's strengthened the HZDS caucus, weakened one of his coalition partners, and is preparing the ground for an alliance with SDKU chairman Mikulas Dzurinda and the right.

This game may not be as dangerous for Fico as it appears, however. Meciar wants one thing above all else - effective and convincing support for his presidential ambitions, and Fico is in a better position to provide this than Dzurinda. Meciar simply can't risk changing his colours (despite the tough talk). The funny thing is that Fico knows this very well. Pravda, November 7 2006 pg 10 Dag Danis

Slovakia: bizarre activities of noise and language police According to critics, the people of Slovakia are currently being hassled excessively by noise and language police. The Slovakian media are even talking about a return to the police state.

Fines for broadcasting loud television advertising

Since 2007, Slovakian television and radio stations have been prohibited under threat of punishment from broadcasting exceptionally loud advertising. This measure was implemented by Zdenka Kramplová, a member of parliament belonging to the small, nationalist ĽS-HZDS party (Movement for a Democratic Slovakia). She is regarded as a close confidante of ex-premier Vladimir Mečiar, and has been the new Minister of Agriculture in the government of prime minister Robert Fico since the end of 2007. Ms. Kramplová achieved a healthy majority of 132 of the 150 members of parliament for her ban on advertising noise. However, both the Ministry of Culture, which would actually have been responsible, and the government of prime minister Fico were against the measure. Their reasoning: the law could not be enforced. It does not even contain any definitions of the noise levels at which television or radio advertising would be considered too loud.

Advertising noise offenders face fines of up to 150,000 euros

The Slovakian radio and television licensing board will now be responsible for monitoring excessively loud advertising. The board has accepted the new law, and was set to commence "stringent" metering by the end of the year. To begin with, the monitoring board called for SKK 1 million (about EUR 30,000) from the national budget in order to purchase the necessary technical metering equipment. The board will also be responsible for collecting fines. These will be pretty hefty, ranging from SKK 100,000 (about EUR 3,000) to SKK 5 million (about EUR 150,000) for repeated infringements of the law. Fines will be imposed on media and advertising agencies.

Government to teach "Queen's Slovakian" to civil servants, teachers and journalists

The government of prime minister Fico has not made itself particularly popular with a new language initiative announced for the year 2008 by the Ministry of Culture in Bratislava. The government intends to teach proper "Queen's Slovakian" to civil servants, teachers and journalists. This will be monitored, and fines imposed if necessary, should these professions fail to spread "high Slovakian" in accordance with the wishes of the Ministry of Culture. State to monitor Slovakian language in municipal offices, schools and editorial offices

The planned measures include compulsory language courses for civil servants, council employees and teachers. There are also plans for Slovakian seminars for all university students. Over and above this, a special "state language act" will oblige all media to disseminate a cultivated "high" Slovakian. Under the terms of a special educational brief, public broadcasting media will be obliged to broadcast in correct Slovakian. Experts at the Ministry of Culture will monitor the language quality of the media at regular intervals.

Bitter criticism from those affected

The Slovakian media have reacted to these measures with bitter criticism. Their general tenor is that such experiments by national conservative language purists were last carried out by the long deposed Mečiar government back in the 1990s. They were a miserable failure at the time. Now Slovakia was once again in danger of becoming a police state. In reality the situation was rather depressing, particularly at schools. Slovakian teachers are poorly paid, and a growing number of gifted and ambitious teachers were therefore changing careers.

Under these circumstances, nationalist fanatics were now trying to create an impression of quality by indoctrinating civil servants, teachers and journalists with their notions of correct Slovakian. This was certainly doomed to failure once more. In reality Slovakia was facing quite different, genuine problems, such as combating unemployment, the growing gap between rich and poor, and corruption throughout the state. The totalitarian press act of the year 1966 is still in force in Slovakia. The Ministry of Culture promised an amendment by the end of 2007.http://www.wieninternational.at/en/node/6598 2008-01-10 as retrieved on 18 Feb 2008 11:26:16 GMT.

Current parties in Slovakia (as of September 2006)

Parties in the parliament

  • Christian Democratic Movement (Kresťanskodemokratické hnutie) - arose in 1990, opposition party
  • Direction - Social Democracy (Smer - sociálna demokracia)- arose in 1999 as a split from the Strana demokratickej ľavice, ruling party
  • Party of the Hungarian Coalition (Strana maďarskej koalície - Magyar Koalíció Pártja) - arose in 1998, opposition party
  • People's Party - Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (Ľudová strana - Hnutie za demokratické Slovensko) - arose in 1991, ruling party
  • Slovak Democratic and Christian Union - Democratic Party (Slovenská demokratická a kresťanská únia - Demokratická strana) - arose in 2000, opposition party
  • Slovak National Party (Slovenská národná strana) - arose in 1990, ruling party

Parties outside the parliament

  • Alliance of the New Citizen (Aliancia Nového Občana) - not in the parliament since 2006, arose in 2001, left the government in late 2005/ the shortcut ANO means "yes" in slovakian language
  • Civic Conservative Party (Občianska konzervatívna strana)
  • Communist Party of Slovakia (Komunistická strana Slovenska) - not in the parliament since 2006
  • Dawn (Úsvit) - founded 2005, split from the Communist Party of Slovakia
  • Free Forum (Slobodné fórum) - split from the Slovak Democratic and Christian Union in 2004, not in the parliament since 2006
  • Hope (Nádej)
  • Green Party (Strana zelených)
  • Left Bloc (Ľavicový blok)
  • Movement for Democracy (Hnutie za demokraciu) - split from the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia in 2002
  • People's Union (Ľudová únia) - split from the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia in 2003, not in the parliament since 2006

Parties relevant in the past

  • Democratic Party (Demokratická strana) - an important party between 1944 and 1948, a new DS arose in 1989, since January 2006 part of the Slovak Democratic and Christian Union - Democratic Party
  • Democratic Union (Demokratická únia) - in the government between 1998 and 2002, now part of the Slovak Democratic and Christian Union
  • Communist Party of Slovakia (1939) - leading force between 1948 and 1989
  • Communist Party of Slovakia (Komunistická strana Slovenska) - a minor current party
  • Civic Democratic Union (Občianska demokratická únia) - arose in 1991, its members are now in the Democratic Party and the small Civic Conservative Party (Občianska konzervatívna strana)
  • Party of Slovak Revival (Strana slovenskej obrody) - arose in 1948 from the Democratic Party (see above, see also National Front (Czechoslovakia)), ceased in late 1989 when the new Democratic Party was founded (see above)
  • Slovak National Party (Slovenská národná strana)- in existence between 1871 and 1938, this is also a current party
  • Slovak Democratic Coalition (Slovenská demokratická koalícia) - in existence from 1997 (as a coalition) / 1998 (as a party) to (?)2001, in the government from 1998 to 2001
  • Slovak People's Party (Slovenská ľudová strana) - between 1913/1918 and 1945
  • Party of Civic Understanding (Strana občianskeho porozumenia) - in the government between 1998 and 2002
  • Party of the Democratic Left (Strana demokratickej ľavice) - before 2002, arose in 1990 from the Communist Party of Slovakia
  • Social Democratic Alternative (Sociálnodemokratická alternatíva)
  • Social Democratic Party of Slovakia (Sociálnodemokratická strana Slovenska) - arose in 1990, see also Alexander Dubček
  • Union of the Workers of Slovakia (Združenie robotníkov Slovenska) - in the government between 1994 and 1998, split from the Strana demokratickej ľavice
  • Public against Violence (Verejnosť proti násiliu) - the first party after the fall of the Communists in late 1989, ceased in 1991 (split into the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia(HZDS) and the Civic Democratic Union (Občianska demokratická únia, ODU) )
  • True Slovak National Party (Pravá Slovenská národná strana)

Chronology - Slovakia

1990

29 April 1990: The federal parliament lifts censorship.

30 April 1990: The federal parliament changes the official name of Czechoslovakia from CSSR to CSFR.

Beginning of April 1990: Hungary and Czechoslovakia start a dialogue concerning their respective minorities (Slovaks in Hungary, Hungarians in Czechoslovakia).

10 April 1990: The presidents and prime ministers of Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia meet in Bratislava to discuss a „Return to Europe".

April 1990: The federal Czechoslovak parliament allows private entrepreneurship and capital investment.

8 May 1990: The Council of Europe in Strasbourg grants guest status to Czechoslovakia.

10 June 1990: The Civic Forum wins in the federal parliamentary elections. Together with the „Committee against Violence" / VPN (Vladimir Meciar) the Forum wins 167 of 300 seats. In the Czech parliament, the Civic Forum wins the absolute majority, in the Slovak parliament it wins about 30%. The Communist Party wins 12,7% in the federal parliament. Slovak Nationalists make it in the Slovak parliament, as well as the Democratic Party. Meciar becomes the first democratically elected Prime Minister of Slovakia.

28 August 1990: Ten thousands of demonstrators in Ruzomberok (Western Slovakia) claim an independent Slovak state.

August 1990: New immigration restriction say that immigrants from Romania need a formal invitation or have to proove that they have already paid the costs for their stay. The borders of the CSFR are factually closed for people from Romania.

1991

March 1991: Prime Minister Meciar founds as a splinter group of the VPN the „Movement for a Democratic Slovakia" (HZDS).

April 1991: Following the foundation of the „Movement for a Democratic Slovakia" (HZDS), the Slovak parliament (with a majority of VPN and Christian Democrats) puts down Prime Minister Meciar, saying that, under the Communist regime, he had worked for the state security (STB).

13-14 May 1991: RSFSR Supreme Soviet Chairman Boris Yeltsin visits Prague. He says the main reason why he chose Czechoslovakia for his first official foreign visit since becoming chairman of the RSFSR Supreme Soviet was to demonstrate Russia's sympathy for the reforms being carried out in that country

1 July 1991: In Prague, on the initiative of the former partners of the USSR, the Warsaw Pact is dissolved 36 years after its creation (in 1955).

3 December 1991: The Soviet ambassador to Czechoslovakia gives Czechoslovak authorities over 200 pages of archival material--including previously classified cables which passed between Moscow and the Soviet embassy in Prague--in an effort to shed light on the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Czechoslovak authorities are particularly eager to see a letter allegedly written by Czechoslovak Communist Party officials inviting the Warsaw Pact intervention.

December 1991: The EU signs an association treaty with Czechoslovakia.

End of 1991: The return of democratic political reform sees a strong Slovak nationalist movement emerge by the end of 1991, which seeks independence for Slovakia as a sovereign nation and the breakup of the two Czechoslovakian republics.

1992

2 March 1992: The Coupon Privatization Center in Prague says that 8.6 million people--some 80% of Czechoslovakia's adult population--have registered their coupon booklets to participate in privatization of the country's state companies. Some 6 million of those registered are from the Czech lands and 2.6 million from the Slovak Republic. Under the coupon scheme, Czechoslovak citizens may buy for 1,000 koruny ($33) a booklet of coupons which can be "invested" in state-owned companies or in private investment funds.

5 March 1992: The daily Lidove noviny reports that the Slovak government is proposing a law to permit abortion only if the fetus is defective, the mother's health is threatened, or the birth would pose severe social hardship. The proposal, which has been sent to Slovak parliament, is much stricter than the one proposed by the Czech government, setting the stage for yet another political conflict between the Czech and the Slovak republics.

11 March: About 7,000 people in Bratislava turn out for a demonstration organized by the cultural organization Matica Slovenska. The demonstrators carry banners with slogans against the Czechoslovak federal state and chant calls for a free, democratic, and independent Slovakia. On 14 March a few thousand people demand independence for Slovakia at a demonstration marking the 53rd anniversary of the Slovak state founded on the eve of World War II. Slovakia's main political parties distance themselves from the demonstration, which is organized by the extreme nationalist extra-parliamentary Party of Slovak Unity.

21 March 1992: Czechoslovakia becomes the first East European country to sign a free trade accord with the seven-member European Free Trade Association. The agreement calls for tariffs and quotas to be lifted immediately by the EFTA countries, while Czechoslovakia will be allowed to do so gradually over the next 10 years.

5-6 June 1992: In the parliamentary elections in Czechoslovakia the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) of Vaclav Klaus wins in the Czech Republic. It runs in alliance with the Christian Democratic Party (KDS) and gets 80 seats in the 300-member bicameral federal parliament. Vladimir Meciars Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) wins in Slovakia and with 54 seats becomes the second-largest party in the federal parliament. The communist-led Left Bloc is next with 30 seats, followed by the Party for the Democratic Left (SDL) with 20 seats and the Czechoslovak Social Democrats with 10 seats. The right-wing ODS favors rapid economic reform and a strong federation. The HZDS wants a stronger Slovakia and slower economic reforms. On 7 June President Vaclav Havel asks Klaus to form a new government, a move promptly criticized by Meciar, who says talks between the political parties must precede negotiations on forming the government. He also calls for a referendum on the future of the federation.

24 June 1992: Vladimir Meciar is elected Slovak Prime Minister.

8 July 1992: According to new data, released by the Slovak Statistical Office on 8 July, there are now 338,000 unemployed people, or about 13.5% of the work force in Slovakia. This represents an increase over May, when 283,000 people, or 11.3% of the work force, were reported unemployed in Slovakia.

17 July 1992: Declaration of Sovereignty of Slovakia.

23 July 1992: A public opinion poll indicates that more than 80% of Czechs and Slovaks want a referendum; only 16% of the respondents in both republics said they were in favor of two independent states.

2 September 1992: With the adoption of a constitution the Slovak parliament makes a decisive step towards the dissolution of the federal state. HZDS, SNS and SDL vote in favour of the constitution, while deputees of the KDH vote against it, criticizing that it does not suffuciently protect ethnic minorities, especially Hungarians. The deputees of the Hungarian minority boycott the vote.

13 November 1992: In the third round, the federal parliament passes a bill on the division of property of the ÈSFR to the Czech and the Slovak republic.

23 November 1992: The Federal Statistical Office announces that the unemployment rate in Czechoslovakia was 5% at the end of October -- a drop of more than 2% in comparison with January 1992. The unemployment rate in the Czech Republic stood at 2.5% in October, while in Slovakia it was 10.4%. In January the unemployment rate in the Czech republic was almost 4% and in Slovakia almost 13%.

25 November 1992: After long and difficult discussions on the modalities of the division of the ÈSFR the federal parliament adopts the law on division.

21 December 1992: Foundation of the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) including the member states Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary.

1992: The Open Society Foundation and the Soros Center for Contemporary Arts - Bratislava are established.

1993

1 January: Dissolution of Czechoslovakia; foundation of the new state of Slovakia. On 15 February the parliament elects Michal Kovaè as president.

19 January: Slovakia becomes a UNO member.

6 February: Representatives of Slovakia's Romany Civic Initiative appeal to Deputy Prime Minister Roman Kovac to hold talks on the situation of their people in Slovakia. They claim that the government and culture ministry "ignore and reject" Romanies' demands for cultural and social development. They also call for observers to be sent to Slovakia to investigate the observance of human rights and the rights of ethnic minorities.

23 February: The Czech parliament transfers the responsibility for the Gabièkovo hydroelectric dam project (Danube) to the Slovak republic. The Gabièkovo dam project (referred to as Nagymaros in Hungarian), begun in 1977 under the communist regime in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, was abandoned by Hungary in January for environmental reasons.

March: Minister of Economy Ludovít Cernak, who is the only minister of the „Slovak National Party" (SNS) in the cabinet, resigns because of differences with premier Meciar (HZDS). The government crisis lasts until October, when the HZDS grants four minister posts to the SNS.

15 April: The Czech Republic and Slovakia are formally admitted to the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT). While the former Czechoslovak federation had been a member, its two successor states were only given provisional membership after the country's split on 1 January 1993.

27 April: Hungary and Slovakia give tentative agreement to a proposal by CSCE High Commissioner for Minorities Max van der Stoel for the creation of a panel of independent experts to examine the situation of the Magyar minority in Slovakia and of the Slovak minority in Hungary.

June: Slovakia participates for the first time in the Venice Biennial (artist: Daniel Fischer; commissioner: Jana Geržova).

7 July: The Slovak parliament passes a law allowing minorities to register their names in their mother tongues. Of the 105 deputies who participated in the secret ballot, 77 were in favor, 13 were against and 15 abstained. The law follows the Council of Europe's recommendation that Slovakia extend its minority rights legislation.

9 July: Slovakia and Poland sign an agreement on the repatriation of illegal immigrants. It is meant to solve problems that developed with the adoption of the new asylum law in Germany.

4 October: Association Agreement with the European Union; this replaces an earlier treaty between the EU and the ÈSFR (16 December 1991).

1993: Labyrinths, the SCCA - Bratislava annual exhibition takes place.

1994

18 January: The cabinet approves a proposal to enter Slovakia's candidacy for the 2002 Winter Olympics, TASR reports. The games would be held in the Poprad district in the High Tatra mountains in northeastern Slovakia.

11 March: Slovak Prime Minister Meèiar is overthrown by a vote of no-confidence.

17 March: A new government is sworn in. In the new government, the Party of the Democratic Left (SDL) gets 7 ministries; the Christian-Democrat Movement (KDH) 5, and the Block of the Center 6 (consisting of the Democrat Union of Slovakia [DUS], Alliance of Democrats [ADS], National Democrat Party of Slovakia [NDS]). New Slovak Prime Minister is Josef Moravcik.

24 March: The parliament passes a new law on privatization. No members of the government or the parliament are allowed to accept high positions in the Fund of National Property. Under Meèiar, who was at the same time Prime Minister, Minister of Privatization and administrator of this Fund, privatization almost came to a standstill. However in mid-February, several former state enterprises had been sold in direct sales. Following an official investigation, 13 of the 45 privatization projects are being stopped due to irregularities (Unterbewertung der Unternehmen).

27 May: The Slovak parliament approves the cabinet's version of the amendment to the law on names, allowing ethnic minorities in Slovakia to omit the "-ova" suffix from female surnames and permitting the use of Hungarian versions of first names. Of 124 deputies present, 72 vote in favor and 48 voted against. Before the vote, members of the Slovak National Party walked out of the parliament, while members of the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia left in protest after the outcome of the vote was announced.

7 July: Another new law is passed by the National Council: Communities who have 20% of an ethnic minority, are allowed to install bilingual city signs (Ortsschilder) (approx. 550 communities). These two laws dealing with the amelioration of protection of minorities (Slovakia has a Hungarian minority of 10 % of the population) fulfill conditions set up by the Council of Europe.

16 September: Guenther Burghardt, the director of external political relations of the European Union's Commission, and Slovak Foreign Minister Eduard Kukan sign an agreement in Bratislava under which the EU will establish a permanent mission in Slovakia at the beginning of 1995. Until now, relations with Slovakia were mainly conducted by the EU's mission in Prague.

30 September / 1 October: Early parliamentary elections (participation is 75%). A coalition consisting of Meciar’s Movement for a Democratic Slovakia HZDS, the Workers’ Association ZRS and the Slovak National Party SNS wins.

31 October: Attending the meeting of EU foreign ministers in Luxembourg, Slovak Foreign Minister Eduard Kukan says that Slovakia will apply for EU membership in the second half of 1995.

11 December: President Kováè of Slovakia asks Vladimir Meèiar, the coalition leader of the newly elected Movement for a Democratic Slovakia HZDS and the Farmers’ Party RSS, to form a government with the Slovak Workers’ Association ZRS. Meèiar is appointed the Slovak Premier – the third time that he takes this position since 1991.

1994: Marginalia, the annual SCCA-Bratislava exhibition takes place.

1995

March: Although Prime Minister Meèiar signs a bilateral treaty with Hungary, it fails to end concern for ethnic minorities in Slovakia.

12 July: The parliament approves an amendment to the privatization law canceling the coupon privatization program proposed by the previous government. Some 3.5 million Slovaks purchased coupon books under that program, which is replaced with a scheme whereby the National Property Fund (FNM) will issue bonds to coupon holders worth 10,000 koruny with a five-year maturity.

22 August: The Slovak Statistics Office says that consumer prices in Slovakia rose 1% in July and were 10.8% higher than in July 1994, international media reported on 22 August. The inflation rate in June was 10.6% compared with a year earlier.

6 September: The parliament amends the privatization law by voting out president Kovac’s veto of 27 July.

19 September: Meciar’s government reproaches Kovac for „treason" and for being incompetent in foreign and internal politics and demand his resignation. Kovac disagrees.

15 November: The Slovak parliament passes with a big majority a language law which declares the Slovak language as the only official language and prohibits the use of other languages e.g. in radio and TV.

16 November: The Hungarian government releases a sharply worded statement expressing "sorrow and dissatisfaction" at the Slovak parliament's adoption of a controversial language law the previous day. It also stressed that the law might hinder the development of bilateral ties.

1995: Interior vs Exterior, the annual SCCA-Bratislava exhibition featuring Slovak and Czech artists, moves to the non-gallery space of the fully-functional manufacturing plant of Cosmos, a.s.

1996

16 March: More than 1,500 Slovaks gather in Bratislava to commemorate the 57th anniversary of the founding of the Nazi-allied Slovak state. The event is co-sponsored by the Confederation of Political Prisoners, the Association of Slovak Soldiers, the Andrej Hlinka Society, the Slovak Society for the Protection of Human and National Rights, and the nationalist cultural organization Matica slovenska. Historians who address the crowd praise the state and its president, Jozef Tiso, and note that Slovaks do not need to feel "any collective guilt." Attempts to rehabilitate the wartime state are criticized by opposition parties, the president's office, the Slovak Anti-Fascist Fighters' Union, and other groups.

22 / 26 March: Slovakia's parliament, which is dominated by the Meèiar-led coalition of populist and nationalist groups, adopts a new state structure and the anti-subversion law are directed against autonomy drives of ethnic minorities, especially the Slovak Hungarians. Contrary to grown structures, the new districts prevent Hungarians living in Southern Slovakia from reaching 30 percent, which means that they cannot claims special rights and cultural support. The new anti-subversion law effectively limits freedoms of expression, assembly and information. Meciar's political opponents denounce the law as a throwback to regulations used during the Stalinist era of communist rule, and a major blow to Slovakia's international image. They also say that it could provide ground for arbitrary moves by the government to silence the opposition.

30 April 1996: Javier Solana says during his visit to Slovakia that the country is still a candidate for NATO membership. He adds that "the alliance consists of countries that share the values of democracy, of respect of human rights, [and] of the protection of minorities," and that Slovakia must uphold these values to become a member. He told President Kovac that it is too early to "classify" countries; however, consideration of individual candidates will be completed at the end of the year.

13 May: Representatives of Slovakia's ruling parties at a meeting in Bratislava demand that Hungarian minority leaders adopt a declaration expressing their loyalty to the Slovak Constitution and their agreement with the existing Slovak-Hungarian treaty. The government parties have made adoption of the declaration a precondition to talks on adopting a law on the use of minority languages and a constitutional amendment on the rights of ethnic minorities.

3 June: The EU Commission criticizes Slovakia’s politics towards ethnic minorities and demands from the associated EU member to act according to democratic principles.

10 June: Leaders of Slovakia's Ruthenian, Ukrainian, Hungarian, Czech, and Bulgarian organizations express disagreement with the government's minority policies. In a joint declaration, the groups note that although the cabinet presents Slovakia to international organizations as a country offering above-average minority rights, the situation of some minority cultural organizations is "undignified." The group demands a constitutional law on the status of minorities as well as laws on the use of minority languages and on minority cultural organizations.

20 June: The coalition government consisting of the HZDS, the Workers’ Alliance ZRS and the National Party SNS breaks. Meciar manages to stay in power.

15 November: All opposition parties except the Party of the Democratic Left join with the forum Save Culture in a rally to commemorate the seventh anniversary of the "velvet revolution." About 20,000 Slovaks, with their jangling keys reminiscent of November 1989, chant "Down with Meciar" and "Resign." Slovak President Michal Kovac sends a supportive letter to the rally, saying, "It is sad that after seven years, the citizens of this country again have to raise their voices to call for justice and human rights."

11 December: Slovak President Kovac heavily criticizes the government. He reproaches the government with non-democratic behaviour, with the formation of the HZDS as a new state party and with unreliability in foreign politics.

In 1996, the exhibition Dream of a Museum? Art of the 1990s is shown at the Považská Arg Gallery. The show, which is prepared by Radislav Matušik and director Katarína Rusnáková, sums up the five-year period during which the Považská Arg Gallery has been able to fully concentrate on independent art documentation, research and the presentation of regional, Slovak and international visual art styles.

1997

1 May: German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel says in Bratislava that Slovakia must first fulfill all economic and political criteria if it wants to be considered for membership in NATO and the EU. He says the conditions for Slovakia's membership are, in his words, "the fulfillment of all criteria, both economic and those concerning the development of democracy."

23-24 May: Slovaks vote in a two-day referendum on whether the country should join NATO and possibly whether the president should be chosen via direct election. The referendum comes at a time when Slovakia's populist-nationalist leadership appears to be leading the country closer to Russia and further away from NATO, to the frustration of the democratic opposition. The referendum on whether the country should join NATO is boycotted by 90% of the electorate after it turned into a showdown between the Prime Minister and president Kovac, who wanted a question about direct election of the president placed on the ballot. The referendum ends in a chaos.

20 June: The Council of Europe says it will continue to closely watch Slovakia for violations of the human rights of ethnic minorities. Jane Dinsdale, a deputy director of the Council of Europe's human rights monitoring group, says there is particular concern about legislation surrounding language rights in Slovakia. The International Helsinki Federation on human rights issues a report that raised concerns about the treatment of gypsies in Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Bulgaria.

8/9 July: During the NATO Summit in Madrid, Slovakia announces its interest to become a member of the alliance, but the request is not taken into consideration.

10 July: Czech Foreign Minister Josef Zieleniec says that Slovakia's membership in NATO is a long-term goal of Czech foreign policy and that Slovakia's eventual entry into both the alliance and the EU is a necessity for Central European security. He adds he believes Slovakia should be admitted into NATO during the alliance's planned second wave of expansion.

29 October: A spokesman for the Slovak government says the emigration of the country's Roma community is motivated by social, not political factors. He adds that Roman are seeking to take advantage of Britain's political asylum system.

Also in 1997, Slovakia quarrells with the Czech Republic over disposition of remaining common Czechoslovak government property.

1998

2 March: President Michal Kovac’s term expires, he leaves office. Until after the parliamentary elections in September, various rounds to elect a new president fail or are canceled because no candidates have been put forward. In April the parliament rejects a bill calling for a referendum on the direct election of the president. Opinion polls show that a majority of Slovaks favor direct presidential elections.

25 March: Meciar tells journalists that the EU and the U.S. have a "distorted image" of developments in Slovakia and are taking into account only "the views of the opposition." He promised the September elections will be "free and democratic." There is serious doubt whether Slovakia will be able to overcome its poor image in the long term should Meciar's ruling Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) retain power.

4 September: The exodus of Slovak Roma from eastern Slovakia who apply for asylum in Great Britain is increasing. 1,256 members of the Roma minority in Slovakia have applied for asylum, most of them from the Michalovce area.

11 September: Slovakia's Central Election Commission rejects applications by local and international election observers who were seeking accreditation to monitor the country's ballot later this month.

23 September: The International Advisory Committee accuses the government of Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar of bias and unfair practices in the run-up to the Slovak elections. In a letter to Meciar, the committee says a "climate of anxiety" has been created through acts of violence against independent journalists. The letter also accuses the government of deliberately hindering independent civic groups and media in their efforts to participate in or cover the election process.

25-26 September: The opposition – the Slovak Democratic Coalition, the Hungarian Coalition Party, the Party of Civic Understanding and the Party of the Democratic Left – wins the Slovak parliamentary elections, Meciar’s HZDS is defeated.

13 October: Branislav Slysko, a spokesman for the European Commission in Bratislava, says that he is optimistic that Slovakia can soon join the group of "fast track" nations being considered for EU membership. Slysko says if Slovakia does not join Estonia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Cyprus by December, then he believes it is likely it might join that group by next year.

1999

1 January: The new Slovak premier Mikulas Dzurinda says the year 1999 is likely to be one in which the country will have to face its "most difficult economic situation" until now. He calls on Slovaks to help rebuild the "devastated" economy by buying Slovak products and by showing "unity, responsibility, and solidarity." He also says Bratislava must "do everything" to ensure it "gets on the train" of European integration in 1999.

14 January: The parliament amends the constitution to provide for the election of the country's president by direct popular vote. Slovakia has been without a president since last March.

23 January: The U.K. was the largest investor in Slovakia in 1998, the Slovak Statistical Bureau reports. Its investments account for 28.7 percent of total foreign investment in 1998. The second biggest investor in 1998 was the U.S. The Netherlands followed in third place.

11 February: The recently established Hungarian-Slovak Minority Affairs Committee suggests the establishment of Hungarian-language faculties in Slovak universities and Slovak-language faculties in Hungarian universities.

26 March: Several hundred people demonstrate in the center of the Slovak capital to protest NATO air strikes. The demonstration is organized by the Communist Party and the Slovak National Party.

12 April: An Interior Ministry official says that Slovakia can accept "thousands" of Kosovar refugees. Jan Michalko says some of these refugees may be granted political asylum after their temporary stay permits expire.

16 April: Yugoslav President Milosevic „is a man who does not want any more bloodshed in his country", Meciar says, adding that the NATO airstrikes in Yugoslavia are tantamount to an invasion and that the Serbs are now undergoing the "same thing as we did in 1968," when Czechoslovakia was invaded by Warsaw Pact countries.

15 May: Czech Prime Minister Milos Zeman and his Slovak counterpart, Mikulas Dzurinda, resolve one of the outstanding issues related to the division of Czechoslovakia. The two leaders, meeting in the Slovak town of Smokovec, agree that the countries' national property funds will carry out an exchange of stakes between the Slovak Vseobecna uverova banka and the Czech Komercni banka at a ratio of 1:1.

17 May: Rudolf Schuster wins the first round of the Slovak presidential election with 47.38 percent of the vote. Former Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar comes in second with 37 percent. Both candidates, who will now advance to a second round of voting on 29 May, won considerably more votes than the last public opinion polls before the election had suggested.

29 May: The Kosice Mayor Rudolf Schuster is elected new president of Slovakia.

 

斯洛伐克议会选举
新界及分类的社区在1998年议会选举。在1998年在斯洛伐克的议会选举中,我们可以看到以下特点:增加转出一般,尤其是在城镇和城市,有效地合并一些反对党,减少通过投票,更高水平的定量表示新议会执政联盟。
作者描述的领土最高支持个别党派。一些地区是传统的(例如匈牙利人) ,已改变(民主左翼党) ,其中有些是完全新公民了解党。还分析1994-1998年政党投票添置的区域角度看是显着的。我们确定由一方的另外一些紧凑型为主的地理区域。我们发现,区域政治和文化取向的人口,他们的动态,鲜明的分化。
此分化只取决于种族,种族斯洛伐克领土内,也可以观察到,因为分化。城市/农村嵌入斯洛伐克政党得到加强, 1994年和1998年两次选举之间,城乡裂解斯洛伐克社会不断加深。议会选举, 1994年的业绩可谓是农村城镇和城市的胜利,下一个选举的胜利。我们主要是从文化的角度解释区域和城乡差异。
这个观点也是1998年的议会选举有效。有三个政党斯洛伐克种族同质选民。我们分析的结果,特别是在民族混居的地区( EMT )在斯洛伐克南部。梅恰尔HZDS的同时获得了1994年和1998年比外面生活斯洛伐克斯洛伐克生活在EMT的支持较少。斯洛伐克支持斯洛伐克民族党( SNS )在1994年略多外EMT里面。这种差异在1998年增加,因为SNS的支持增加了EMT和外。最后,匈牙利匈牙利党( SMK )的支持,在EMT强外弱。
这些意味着最强的位置的HZDS和SNS斯洛伐克之间的EMT之外,在地区没有直接斯洛伐克匈牙利匈牙利之间的接触和SMK最强的位置是在EMT中,接触的地区。我们分析的三个政党的支持也比较三种类型的族裔社区内EMT 。 1996年新区成立于斯洛伐克。
他们主要与强势地位HZDS的领域。分析的HZDS “前进”地区和其他地区的选举结果表明,在1998年,推进区的大部分仍然的堡垒HZDS ,但HZDS支持没有增加在这些地区。弗拉基米尔Krivý Sociológia 1999, 。 31 (第1号: 51-77 )
议会选举1998年在斯洛伐克共和国 - 的生效的挑战。本文试图分析主要原因和议会选举带来的斯洛伐克共和国政治生活中的关系彻底改变。首先,作者指出舆论的持久性,并解释其倾斜度和政治家面临的一个挑战 - 如何投影一个关键的意见大部分在政治立场和选举决定。
只有在经过前反对党的组织变革,在竞选的过程中。此外,鉴于选举分析的结果,揭示了选举行为的主要动机和社会问题的影响。他解释选民梅恰尔HZDS的客户关系和/或传统民粹主义的政治主张所谓的残基,空调的动机。选换档的其他因素被嵌入前政府联盟中的实际政治。这是为了方便民主delegatory失败复苏的民间社会和政治多元化,支持自由媒体面对面。
作为一个分权的“地沟对手”的媒体代表制度集中力量难以逾越的障碍。在纸张的最后一部分,笔者分析一组背景的选举的决定,他指出,尽管密集的私有化并没有记录在社会结构的影响(但一直到目前为止结晶) 。
最后,他指出,潜在的不稳定的政治场景。新的政府联盟不仅面临的任务,如何有效地处理在经济领域和公共生活中积累的问题,还要将任务给一个明确的政治力量和他们的社会背景图像。 1999年1月Stena Sociológia者。 31 ( 1 :31-50号)
的中间偏右联盟在9月的议会选举, 2003年的所有的胜利,但对斯洛伐克的未来的经济和地缘政治取向偿还任何怀疑。但是,即使在欧洲联盟(欧盟)和北约的成员现在看来是肯定的事,新政府可能被证明过于脆弱,履行国际承诺或交付对国内的承诺。已经显示出该菌株。
赞同KDHU的选举程序,祖林达已经确定了新政府的四个主要目标:斯洛伐克进入欧盟的一体化和北约,修整和改善国家管理,打击腐败,将罗姆人(吉卜赛人)人口融入社会(SME 11月6日) 。然而,新政府很快发现,减少脂肪的同时保持服务是多么的困难。同时, HZDS的第二场失利,尽管技术的胜利,这促使党的忠实信徒之间的自我反省。
“牧歌”月Jasovsky ,副的代表HZDS ,如何描述大气11月6日在议会上,一揽子预算法( Narodna Obroda 11月7日)在辩论期间,已经结束。然而,立法,呼吁削减社会开支和增税,一读通过。 SMER ,另一种民粹主义的党,预算将导致弊大于利, HZDS人大代表和代表的投诉置若罔闻。财政部部长伊万·米克洛什断言,斯洛伐克国家银行和国际专家支持政府的财政预算,并计划在2006年加入欧洲货币联盟,取决于相应的立法。
米克洛什说: “我们是政治家, ” , “政治家们根本不愿采取不受欢迎的措施。但这些都是不可避免的,如果我们不采取他们现在,对市民的影响会更加恶劣。 “
但是,如果政府寻求树立一个榜样,一些观察家已经不为所动。虽然在竞选期间谈到了很多关于消除副部长,写朱利叶斯Gembicky ,只是被高高薪冗员不太显眼的标题( Narodna Obroda 10月28日) 。 “一个广泛的联盟,这是假想的价格, ” Gembicky评论。 “唯一的问题是,它的费用由我们承担。 ”真理报“总结的情况,在其10月17日发行的标题:”新政府是更薄,但仍然是昂贵的。 “
今年早些时候, E.U.官方宣布,高层次的腐败在斯洛伐克斯洛伐克加入社区是一个关键问题。丹妮拉Zemanovicova ,透明国际(Transparency International)的项目总监斯洛伐克,告诉Narodna Obroda点在政府的反腐败方案不完整或不够明确( 11月7日) 。例如,它不包括政党的融资。 “当事人只会做公众,选民,强迫他们做什么。选举所示,这是一个问题领域。公众的压力,有发展,为了改变这个系统。 “政治科学家尤拉伊Majchrak ,中小企业( 11月5日)接受采访说,有关利益冲突的法律是关键。在他看来,目前的声明是比四年前的上届政府发出一个更有说服力。
至于国家的罗姆少数民族中,政府仍然在寻找一个政策。有计划,提出由联盟伙伴ANO ,呼吁设立社区像以色列的基布兹和罗姆人事务东南部斯洛伐克科希策,一个城市一个新的办公室(SME 11月6日) 。有专家拒绝该计划是业余的。
HZDS的选票赢得了多个选举中的失败,尽管可以为党,其主席,作为一个整体和斯洛伐克政治有深远的影响。梅恰尔,一个有魅力的领导者有很大贡献的党的国际孤立,到目前为止,已经打退努力迫使他的最高职位。副主席HZDS沃伊捷赫Tkac被视为一个可能的继任者,但他否认任何野心更换梅恰尔。 “我们得谈谈有关领导HZDS出国内和国际上的孤立, 。 ” Tkac告诉“真理报” ( 10月11日) 。 “ HZDS发现的天然盟友。 ”世界新闻评论“ 2003年1月刊(第50卷,第01号)斯洛伐克:现在困难的部分安德鲁Yurkovsky的
无论发生名士?
HZDS执政联盟内的不满情绪已经达到了一个新的水平 - 移动从言到行。董事长弗拉基米尔HZDS ,梅恰尔已经挖走了他的联盟伙伴的议员之一 - Miroslav Kotian的民族主义者SNS ,读取“真理报”上周二的每日评论。
与此同时, ,梅恰尔已经警告总理和SMER党领袖罗伯特·菲乔说,他将不会被排挤出政府的边缘。
HZDS的紧张和不满是可以理解的。梅恰尔加入执政联盟两个目标,并没有这些已经实现。
首先,经过8年的反对饥饿, ,梅恰尔想拍HZDS ,成为一个有影响力的人,再通过联盟理事会会议和国家行政机关职位。
菲乔梅恰尔的建议已经完全被忽略,但是,或多或少对自己的执政。
其次,梅恰尔想的,他自己的个人野心 - 总统的“促进” 。 SMER ,但是,已经拒绝支持他。它的盟友现任总统加什帕罗维奇,谁第一个被遗弃的HZDS ,然后在2004年的总统大选中击败梅恰尔。
发现自己在这样的位置,已交由梅恰尔别无选择,只能武装自己。这就是为什么他加强了HZDS党团,削弱他的联盟伙伴之一,并正准备在地上联盟与董事长祖林达SDKU和正确的。
菲乔,此游戏可能不一样危险,因为它出现,但是。梅恰尔想一件事高于一切 - 他的总统的野心的有效和有说服力的支持,菲乔是在一个更好的位置,提供比祖林达。梅恰尔,根本无法改变他的颜色(尽管艰难的谈话)的风险。有趣的是,在菲佐知道这一点非常好。 “真理报” , 2006年11月7日PG 10达格·丹尼斯
斯洛伐克:离奇的活动噪声和语言警察,据批评,斯洛伐克人民目前正在过度滋扰的噪音和语言警察。斯洛伐克媒体甚至谈论了一回警察国家。
广播响亮的电视广告罚款
2007年以来,斯洛伐克电视台和广播电台广播分外响亮广告的处罚威胁下被禁止。这项措施实施兹登卡克兰波洛娃的,属于小的,民族主义的LS- HZDS的一方(争取民主斯洛伐克运动)国会议员。她被视为前总理弗拉基米尔·梅恰尔密切的红颜知己,并一直菲乔总理在政府自2007年底以来的新农业部长。一个健康的广大女士克兰波洛娃实现132她禁止广告噪声议会的150名成员。然而,无论是国家文化部,实际上一直负责和政府总理菲乔反对的措施。他们的理由:法律不能强制执行。它甚至不包含任何定义在电视或电台广告将被视为太大声的噪音水平。
广告噪声违者罚款高达150,000欧元
斯洛伐克电台和电视台授权董事会现在将负责监测过分响亮的广告。董事会已经接受了新的法律,并设置为“严格的”计量年底开始。首先,从国家预算中要求为100万克朗(约30,000欧元)的监控板,为了购买必要的技术计量设备。董事会也将是负责采集罚款。这些都将是相当沉重的,反复侵权的法律介乎从SKK 100,000 (约3000欧元)到500万克朗(约15万欧元) 。媒体和广告机构,将会被罚款。
政府教“皇后的斯洛伐克”的公务员,教师和记者
政府总理菲乔本身并没有作出特别流行一种新的语言倡议, 2008年度文化部在布拉迪斯拉发宣布。政府打算传授正确的“皇后的斯洛伐克”的公务员,教师和记者。这将被监控,并罚款,如果有必要,这些行业应按照文化部的意愿,不传播“斯洛伐克” 。国家监察斯洛伐克语言在市政办公室,学校和编辑部
计划采取的措施包括为公务员,议会员工和教师的必修语言课程。也有斯洛伐克研讨会,为所有大学生的计划。超过这个,一个特殊的“国家语言法”将迫使所有媒体上传播一个“高”栽培斯洛伐克。在一种特殊的教育简单地说,公共广播媒体的条款将须广播正确的斯洛伐克。在文化部的专家将定期的媒体质量监测的语言。
受影响人士的苦批评
斯洛伐克媒体苦批评这些措施反应。他们的一般期限为国家保守的语言纯粹主义者,这样的实验,最后进行了由长废黜梅恰尔政府早在20世纪90年代。他们是一个悲惨的失败的时候。现在,斯洛伐克再次成为一个警察国家的危险。在现实中,情况是相当令人沮丧,尤其是在学校。斯洛伐克教师收入微薄,因此越来越多的天赋和雄心勃勃的教师转行。
在这种情况下,民族主义的狂热分子正试图创建一个印象灌输公务员,教师和记者的观念正确斯洛伐克的质量。这肯定是注定要失败的一次。在现实中,斯洛伐克面临着很大的不同,真正的问题,如打击失业,穷人和富人之间的差距越来越大,和整个国家的腐败。极权主义新闻法“ 1966年仍是力在斯洛伐克。文化部承诺由2007年年底的一项修正案。 http://www.wieninternational.at/en/node/6598 2008-01-10于2008年2月18日11:26:16 GMT检索。
目前各方在斯洛伐克( 2006年9月)
各缔约方在议会
基督教,民主运动( Kresťanskodemokratické hnutie ) - 产生于1990年,反对党
方向 - 社会民主( SMER - sociálna demokracia ) - 在1999年出现作为从Strana demokratickej的ľavice分裂,执政党
产生于1998年,反对党党的匈牙利联盟( Strana maďarskej的koalície - 马扎尔Koalíció Pártja ) - 
人民党 - 争取民主斯洛伐克运动(的Ľudová Strana “ - Hnutie ZA demokratické SLOVENSKO ) - 出现在1991年,执政党
斯洛伐克民主与基督教联盟 - 民主党(斯洛文尼亚demokratická一个kresťanská的UNIA - Strana区Demokratická ) - 在2000年出现,反对党
斯洛伐克民族党(斯洛文尼亚的národná Strana ) - 出现在1990年,执政党
议会以外的缔约方
在议会联盟新的的西铁城( Aliancia Nového Občana ) - 自2006年以来,出现在2001年离开政府,在2005年年底/快捷方式ANO表示“是”,在斯洛伐克语言
公民保守党( Občianska konzervatívna洽)
共产党,斯洛伐克( Komunistická洽斯洛文尼亚) - 自2006年以来在议会中
黎明( Úsvit ) - 建立2005年,斯洛伐克共产党分裂
免费论坛(论坛Slobodné ) - 斯洛伐克民主与基督教联盟在2004年分裂,而不是在国会自2006年以来
希望( Nádej )
绿党(洽zelených的)
左派联盟( Ľavicový勃洛克)
运动的民主( Hnutie座demokraciu ) - 斯普利特在2002年争取民主斯洛伐克运动
人民联盟( Ľudová UNIA ) - 在2003年争取民主斯洛伐克运动分裂,而不是在国会自2006年以来
在过去的有关各方
民主党( Strana区Demokratická ) - 1944年和1948年之间的重要一方,出现了一个新的DS于1989年,自2006年1月斯洛伐克民主与基督教联盟 - 民主党
民主联盟( Demokratická UNIA ) - 在政府在1998年和2002年之间,现在斯洛伐克民主与基督教联盟的一部分
共产党斯洛伐克(1939年) - 1948年和1989年之间的主导力量
共产党,斯洛伐克( Komunistická洽斯洛文尼亚) - 一个小电流党
,公民民主党,联盟( Občianska demokratická UNIA ) - 出现在1991年,现在,它的成员都是民主党和小公民保守党( Občianska的konzervatívna Strana )
斯洛伐克的复兴( Strana slovenskej的obrody )的 - 党,民主党在1948年出现(见上面,也看到国民阵线(捷克斯洛伐克) ) ,停止1989年底成立时,新民主党(见上文)
斯洛伐克民族党(斯洛文尼亚的národná Strana ) - 在1871年和1938年之间的存在,这也是当前党
斯洛伐克民主联盟(斯洛文尼亚demokratická koalícia ) - 存在,从1997年(联盟) / 1998 (作为一方) (?) 2001年, 1998至2001年在政府
斯洛伐克人民党(斯洛文尼亚ľudová洽) - 在1913 / 1918年和1945年
公民了解党( Strana občianskeho的porozumenia ) - 在政府在1998年和2002年之间
民主左翼党( Strana demokratickej的ľavice ) - 在2002年之前,出现在1990年从斯洛伐克共产党
社会民主党的另类( Sociálnodemokratická ALTERNATIVA )
社会民主党的,斯洛伐克( Sociálnodemokratická洽斯洛文尼亚) - 在1990年出现,也见亚历山大·杜布切克
工人联盟的,斯洛伐克( Združenie robotníkov斯洛文尼亚) - 在1994年和1998年之间,政府,分裂从Strana demokratickej的ľavice
公开反对暴力( Verejnosť proti násiliu ) - 共产党人在1989年底倒台后,于1991年停止对第一方(分成争取民主斯洛伐克( HZDS )的公民民主党,联盟( Občianska demokratická UNIA , ODU)运动)
真正的斯洛伐克民族党( Pravá斯洛文尼亚národná洽)
年表 - 斯洛伐克
1990年
1990年4月29日:联邦议会取消审查。
1990年4月30日:联邦议会改变建筑地盘(安全)规例“的捷克斯洛伐克捷克斯洛伐克联邦共和国的正式名称。
从1990年4月开始,匈牙利和捷克斯洛伐克涉及各自少数民族(在匈牙利,捷克斯洛伐克匈牙利斯洛伐克)展开对话。
10 1990年4月,波兰,匈牙利和捷克斯洛伐克的总统和总理在布拉迪斯拉发举行会议,讨论了“回归欧洲” 。
1990年4月:捷克斯洛伐克联邦议会允许私人创业和资本投资。
8 1990年5月在斯特拉斯堡的欧洲理事会授予来宾状态捷克斯洛伐克。
1990年6月10日在联邦议会选举中获胜的公民论坛。连同“反暴力委员会” / VPN (弗拉基米尔梅恰尔)论坛赢得300席中的167席,公民论坛在捷克议会赢得绝对多数,在斯洛伐克议会赢得30%左右。共产党赢得12 ,联邦议会斯洛伐克国民党7%,使它在斯洛伐克议会,以及民主党。梅恰尔成为第一位民选总理斯洛伐克。
28 1990年8月10数千名示威者在鲁森比洛克(西方斯洛伐克)要求斯洛伐克独立状态。
1990年8月说,新的移民限制来自罗马尼亚的移民需要一个正式的邀请或有坡口,他们已经支付的成本为他们的逗留。捷克斯洛伐克的边界事实收人来自罗马尼亚。
1991
1991年: 3月总理梅恰尔创建VPN “争取民主斯洛伐克运动” ( HZDS )作为一个分裂集团。
1991年4月继民主斯洛伐克( HZDS ) ,斯洛伐克议会(大多数VPN和基督教民主党)运动“的基础放下总理梅恰尔说,共产党政权下,他曾于国家安全( STB ) 。
1991年5月13-14日:苏俄最高苏维埃主席叶利钦访问布拉格。他说,最主要的原因,他选择了他的第一次正式出访捷克斯洛伐克以来成为俄联邦政府最高苏维埃主席是展示俄罗斯的同情,该国正在开展的改革
1991年7月1日:前苏联合作的倡议,在布拉格,华沙条约组织解散36年后,它的创建( 1955) 。
3 1991年12月苏联驻捷克斯洛伐克大使给出了超过200页的档案材料 - 包括以前分类电缆通过莫斯科与苏联大使馆在布拉格 - 捷克斯洛伐克当局在努力揭示以苏联为首的入侵捷克斯洛伐克于1968年。捷克斯洛伐克当局特别渴望看到邀请华沙条约组织的干预捷克斯洛伐克共产党官员涉嫌写的一封信。
1991年12月,欧盟签署的关联与捷克斯洛伐克的条约。
1991年底:民主政治改革的回报看到一个强大的斯洛伐克民族主义运动出现了1991年底,斯洛伐克寻求独立的两个捷克斯洛伐克共和国作为一个主权国家的解体。
1992年
1992年3月2日在布拉格说, 860万人口 - 捷克斯洛伐克的成人人口的80% - 已经注册了他们的优惠券小册子,参加全国国有企业的私有化券私有化中心。大约600万注册者是来自捷克的土地和260万来自斯洛伐克共和国。根据优惠券计划,捷克斯洛伐克公民可购买1,000克朗($ 33 ) ,可以在国有企业或私人投资基金“投资”优惠券的小册子。
5 1992年3月的的的日常Lidove noviny报告说,斯洛伐克政府提出了一项法律,允许堕胎,如果胎儿是有缺陷的,母亲的健康受到威胁,或分娩会造成严重的社会困难。该提案已被送往斯洛伐克议会,比捷克政府提出的又一捷克和斯洛伐克共和国之间的政治冲突,设置阶段要严格得多。
11日:约7000人在布拉迪斯拉发为由文化组织MATICA斯洛文尼亚举办一个示范。示威者携带横幅与捷克斯洛伐克联邦一个自由,民主,独立的斯洛伐克国家和呗呼叫口号,反对。 3月14日几千人要求独立的示范斯洛伐克标志着斯洛伐克状态成立于二战前夕的53周年。斯洛伐克主要政党距离自己的示范,这是斯洛伐克统一的极端民族主义党议会外组织。
1992年3月21日:捷克斯洛伐克成为第一个东欧国家签署自由贸易协定,与七名成员组成的欧洲自由贸易协会。该协议呼吁立即取消关税和配额的欧洲自由贸易联盟国家,而捷克斯洛伐克将被允许这样做,在未来10年逐步。
1992年6月5日至6日:捷克斯洛伐克在议会选举中,公民民主党( ODS )瓦茨拉夫·克劳斯在捷克共和国获胜。它运行在与基督教民主党联盟( KDS ) ,并获得80个议席中的300名成员组成的联邦议会两院制。弗拉基米尔Meciars运动争取民主斯洛伐克( HZDS )的胜斯洛伐克和54席,成为第二大党在联邦议会。共产党领导的左派联盟未来的30个席位,其次是捷克斯洛伐克社会民主党20个席位, 10个席位的民主左翼党( SDL ) 。右翼的消耗臭氧层物质有利于快速的经济改革和一个强大的联盟。 HZDS想要一个更强的斯洛伐克和较慢的经济改革。 6月7日总统哈维尔问克劳斯形成一个新的政府,此举梅恰尔说,各政党之间的谈判必须形成政府谈判之前,谁及时批评。他还要求对未来联邦全民公决。
1992年6月24日:弗拉基米尔梅恰尔当选斯洛伐克总理。
一九九二年七月八日:据7月8日,由斯洛伐克统计局发布的新的数据,目前有338,000名失业的人,或约13.5%的在斯洛伐克的工作力。这意味着增加超过5月,当283,000人,或11.3 %的劳动力失业,在斯洛伐克。
1992年7月17日:斯洛伐克主权宣言。
1992年7月23日的一项民意调查表明, 80%以上的捷克和斯洛伐克希望公投在这两个共和国只有16%的受访者表示,他们在两个独立国家的青睐。
1992年9月2日:斯洛伐克议会通过的宪法作出了决定性的一步朝着解散联邦州。的, SNS HZDS和SDL票赞成宪法,而deputees KDH反对票,批评它不suffuciently保护少数民族,尤其是匈牙利。的的匈牙利少数民族deputees抵制票。
1992年11月13日:在第三轮, ESFR捷克和斯洛伐克共和国的财产的划分上,联邦议会通过一个法案。
1992年11月23日联邦统计局宣布在捷克斯洛伐克的失业率为5% ,在10年底 - 1992年同月相比,下降了2%以上。在捷克共和国的失业率为2.5%, 10月, ,而斯洛伐克为10.4 % 。在捷克共和国在1月的失业率为近4% ,并在斯洛伐克近13% 。
1992年11月25日:经过漫长而艰难的讨论分工的方式ESFR联邦议会通过的法律分工。
21 1992年12月基金中欧自由贸易协定(自由贸易协定)成员国波兰,捷克和匈牙利。
1992年:开放社会基金会和索罗斯当代艺术中心 - 布拉迪斯拉发成立。
1993年
1月1日:捷克斯洛伐克解体;基础斯洛伐克的新状态。在2月15日的议会选举米哈尔Kovaè担任总裁。
19月1日:斯洛伐克成为UNO成员。
6月:斯洛伐克的吉卜赛公民倡议呼吁副总理罗马科瓦奇代表他们的人在斯洛伐克举行会谈的情况。他们声称,政府和文化部“忽视和拒绝”罗姆人的文化和社会发展的需求。他们还呼吁,观察员被发送到斯洛伐克的尊重人权和少数民族权利。
23日:捷克议会的责任传递的Gabièkovo水电站大坝项目(多瑙河)的斯洛伐克共和国。被遗弃的Gabièkovo坝项目(简称匈牙利大毛) ,于1977年开始在匈牙利和捷克斯洛伐克在共产政权下,由匈牙利1月,因环境原因。
三月:塞尔纳k经济Ludovít的,谁是唯一的“斯洛伐克民族党( SNS )在内阁部长,部长辞职,因为与总理梅恰尔( HZDS )差异。政府危机一直持续到10月,当HZDS补助四部长职位的SNS 。
4月15日:捷克共和国和斯洛伐克的贸易和关税总协定( GATT )正式承认。虽然前捷克斯洛伐克联邦的一员,它的两个后继状态只给予临时会员资格后,于1993年1月1日起该国的分裂。
4月27日:匈牙利和斯洛伐克给临时协议的建议欧安会高级专员少数民族最大范德斯图尔的一个独立专家小组的情况进行检查马扎尔少数民族在斯洛伐克和匈牙利,斯洛伐克少数创造。
6月:斯洛伐克参加首次在威尼斯双年展(艺术家:丹尼尔·菲舍尔专员:亚娜Geržova ) , 。
7月7日:斯洛伐克议会通过一项法律,允许少数族裔登记他们的名字,他们的母语。谁参加无记名投票的105名代表中, 77人赞成, 13人反对,15人弃权。法律遵循欧洲理事会的建议,斯洛伐克扩大其少数人权利的立法。
9月:斯洛伐克和波兰签署遣返非法移民的协议。它是为了解决问题,开发了采用新的庇护法在德国。
4 10月:与欧盟结盟协定,这取代了较早的条约和欧盟之间ESFR ( 1991年12月16日) 。
1993年:迷宫, SCCA - 布拉迪斯拉发年度展览发生。
1994年
1月18日内阁批准进入斯洛伐克的候选人的建议,为2002年冬季奥运会, TASR报道。本场比赛将举行波普拉德区在东北斯洛伐克的高塔特拉山。
11月:斯洛伐克总理Meèiar是通过不信任投票推翻。
3月17日:一个新的政府在新政府宣誓就职。 ,民主左翼党( SDL )得到7部委基督教民主党运动(KDH) 5 ,中心6个(块组成的民主党斯洛伐克联盟[ DUS ] ,民主党人联盟[广告] , :国家民主党斯洛伐克[ NDS ] ) 。新斯洛伐克总理约瑟夫莫拉夫奇克。
24日:国会通过的新法律私有化。没有政府或议会成员被允许接受高仓位基金国有财产。根据Meèiar ,谁是在同一时间总理,部长的私有化和管理员本基金,私有化几乎陷于瘫痪。然而,在2月中旬,一些已售出前国有企业的直接销售。正式调查之后, 13 45私有化项目被停止违规( Unterbewertung DER Unternehmen ) 。
5月27日:斯洛伐克议会批准内阁的版本名称法的修订,使少数民族在斯洛伐克省略“卵子”女性姓氏后缀,并允许使用匈牙利版本的名字。 124名代表出席,72票赞成, 48投反对票。表决前,斯洛伐克民族党成员走出议会,而争取民主斯洛伐克运动成员留在宣布表决结果后提出抗议。
7月:另一个由国民议会通过新的法律,允许有20 %的少数族裔社区,的双语城市标志( Ortsschilder ) (约550个社区)安装。这两部法律的处理与改善保护少数民族(斯洛伐克的匈牙利少数民族人口的10% ) ,履行由欧洲理事会的成立条件。
16日:冈瑟薄瑞光,外部政治关系,欧洲联盟委员会,董事和斯洛伐克外交部长爱德华·库坎签署一项协议,据此,欧盟将建立一个永久的使命在1995年开始在斯洛伐克布拉迪斯拉发。到现在为止,与斯洛伐克的关系,主要是由欧盟的使命在布拉格进行。
9月30日/ 10月1日提前举行议会选举(参与75 % ) 。梅恰尔运动组成的联盟,一个民主斯洛伐克HZDS ,工人协会ZRS和斯洛伐克民族党SNS获胜。
10月31日:出席欧盟外长会议在卢森堡,斯洛伐克外交部长爱德华·库坎说,斯洛伐克将在1995年下半年的欧盟成员国的申请。
12月11日:斯洛伐克总统Kováè问弗拉基米尔Meèiar的,新当选的争取民主斯洛伐克HZDS和农民党RSS运动联盟领导人,组成一个政府与斯洛伐克工人协会ZRS 。 Meèiar任命斯洛伐克总理 - 第三次,他自1991年以来,采取这一立场。
1994年:旁注,每年SCCA-布拉迪斯拉发展需要的地方。
1995年
三月: ,虽然总理Meèiar签署的双边条约与匈牙利,它失败结束斯洛伐克少数民族的关注。
7月12日:国会批准修订私有化法取消优惠券由上届政府提出的私有化计划。根据该计划,这是替换计划,据此,全国房地产基金( FNM)将优惠券持有人发行债券价值10,000克朗,五年到期,约350万斯洛伐克优惠券购买书籍。
8月22日:斯洛伐克统计局说,在斯洛伐克的消费者价格在7月份上涨了1% ,分别为10.8%,高于1994年7月,国际媒体报道, 8月22日。与上年同期相比, 6月份的通胀率是10.6% 。
9月6日: 7月27日投票科瓦奇总统的否决,议会修订私有化法。
9月19日:梅恰尔政府指责为“叛国” ,在国外和国内政治的无能,并要求他辞职。科瓦奇,科瓦奇不同意。
15日:斯洛伐克议会通过一个大的大部分语言法律声明斯洛伐克语言作为唯一的官方语言,并禁止使用其他语言,例如在广播和电视。
11月16日:匈牙利政府发行措辞严厉的声明,表示“悲伤和不满”在斯洛伐克议会的通过一个有争议的语言文字法的前一天。它还强调,该法可能会阻碍两国关系的发展。
1995年: SCCA-布拉迪斯拉发,每年的展览,展出斯洛伐克和捷克艺术家,室内与室外移动到非画廊空间的全功能生产厂大同,
1996年
聚集在3月16日: 1500多名斯洛伐克布拉迪斯拉发,以纪念建国57周年的纳粹结盟斯洛伐克的状态。这次活动是由政治犯联合会共同主办,斯洛伐克士兵,赫林卡安德烈学会学会保护人权和民族权利,斯洛伐克和民族的文化组织MATICA斯洛文尼亚协会。解决国家及其总统, Jozef TISO的人群好评,历史学家注意到,斯洛伐克不必感到“任何集体罪责。 ”尝试修复战时状态的反对党,总统的办公室,斯洛伐克反法西斯战士联盟,和其他团体的批评。
22 / 3月26日:斯洛伐克议会,这是民粹主义和民族群体的Meèiar为首的联军主导,采用了一个新的国家结构和反颠覆法是针对少数族裔,尤其是斯洛伐克的匈牙利自治驱动。种植结构相反,新的地区达到30 %,这意味着他们不能声称特殊权利和文化支持,防止匈牙利居住在斯洛伐克南部。新反颠覆法有效地限制言论,集会和信息的自由。梅恰尔的政治对手谴责法律倒退到斯大林时代的共产主义统治期间使用的规例,以及斯洛伐克的国际形象的一个重大打击。他们也说,它可以提供地面由政府任意移动沉默反对派。
1996年4月索拉纳30日说,在他访问斯洛伐克,该国仍然是加入北约的候选。他补充说,“该联盟由共享民主价值观的国家,尊重人权,保护少数群体, ”斯洛伐克必须坚持这些价值观成为会员。他告诉总统科瓦奇说, “分类”国家实在是言之过早,但是,考虑个别候选人将在今年年底完成。
5月13日:斯洛伐克执政党代表匈牙利少数民族领导人在布拉迪斯拉发的需求,在一次会议上通过一项宣言,表达自己的忠诚斯洛伐克宪法“ ,并同意斯洛伐克 - 匈牙利与现有条约。政府各方都采取法律使用少数民族语言和少数民族权利的宪法修正案通过声明一个前提条件的谈判。
6月3日:欧盟委员会批评斯洛伐克对少数民族的政治和相关欧盟成员国的需求,根据民主原则行事。
6月10日:斯洛伐克鲁塞尼亚,乌克兰,匈牙利,捷克,保加利亚组织领导人与政府的少数民族政策表示异议。在一份联合声明中,各组注意,虽然内阁提出斯洛伐克作为一个国家的国际组织,提供高于平均水平的少数人的权利,一些少数民族文化机构的情况是“不体面的。 ”组要求宪法对少数民族以及法律对使用少数民族语言和少数民族文化组织的地位。
6月20日:联合政府的HZDS ,工人联盟ZRS和国家党SNS休息。梅恰尔管理,继续执政。
11月15日:所有反对党民主左派党除外加入论坛保存文化集会,纪念七周年的“天鹅绒革命”。关于20000斯洛伐克,嘈杂键音让人想起1989年11月,高呼“打倒梅恰尔”和“辞职”。斯洛伐克总统科瓦奇发送一个反弹的支持信,说,“可悲的是,经过7年来,这个国家的公民不得不再次提高他们的声音,呼吁司法和人权。 ”
12月11日:斯洛伐克总统科瓦奇大量批评政府。他责备政府和非民主的行为,形成了一个新的国家党与外国政治不可靠的HZDS 。
在1996年,一个博物馆的展览梦? 20世纪90年代的艺术所示在精氨酸Považská画廊。显示,这是准备拉迪斯拉夫Matušik的和导演KATARINA Rusnáková ,总结了五年期间的Považská精氨酸库已经能够完全专注于独立的艺术区域,斯洛伐克和国际视觉艺术的资料整理,研究和介绍风格。
1997年
5月1日:德国外长金克尔说,在布拉迪斯拉发,斯洛伐克必须首先满足所有经济和政治的标准,如果想被认为北约和欧盟的成员。他说,斯洛伐克的成员的条件是,用他的话说, “达成所有条件,既经济又关于民主的发展。 ”
5月23-24日:斯洛伐克投票,该国是否应该加入北约,并可能通过直接选举总统是否应该选择在为期两天的全民投票。公投的时候,斯洛伐克出现民粹主义和民族主义的领导,领先全国接近俄罗斯和北约进一步远离,民主反对派的挫折。 90 %的选民公投抵制该国是否应该加入北约后,它变成了总理和总统科瓦奇,谁想要一个关于直接选举总统放在选票上的问题之间的对决。公投在混乱中结束。
6月20日:欧洲议会表示,将继续密切关注斯洛伐克少数民族的人权侵犯。简DINSDALE ,欧洲人权监督小组委员会的副主任说,周围的语言权利的立法,在斯洛伐克有特别关注。赫尔辛基国际联盟在人权问题上提出了一份报告,斯洛伐克,捷克共和国和保加利亚吉普赛人的治疗担忧。
8 / 7月9日在北约首脑会议在马德里,斯洛伐克宣布其利益成为联盟的成员,但该请求没有考虑到。
7月10日:捷克外长约瑟夫齐耶伦涅茨说,斯洛伐克加入北约是一个长远的目标,捷克外交政策和斯洛伐克最终进入的联盟和欧盟中欧安全是必要的。他补充说,他认为应该承认斯洛伐克加入北约联盟的扩张计划的第二次浪潮。
10月29日:斯洛伐克政府的一位发言人说,该国的罗姆人社区的移民动机是社会,而不是政治因素。他补充说,罗马正在寻求利用英国的政治避难系统。
此外,在1997年,斯洛伐克与捷克共和国quarrells在处置剩余常见捷克斯洛伐克政府财产。
1998年
3月2日:科瓦奇主席任期届满,他离开办公室。直到9月议会选举后,各轮选举新总统失败或取消,因为没有候选人已经提出。在4月的议会拒绝了一项法案,呼吁进行全民投票直接选举总统。民意调查显示,大多数斯洛伐克赞成总统直选。
25日:梅恰尔告诉记者,欧盟和美国在斯洛伐克的发展有一个“扭曲的形象” ,并且只考虑“的反对意见。 ”他答应9月的选举将是“自由和民主”。有严重怀疑斯洛伐克将能够克服其在长期的形象不佳,应该梅恰尔的执政运动争取民主斯洛伐克( HZDS )的保留权力。
9月4日:斯洛伐克罗马从斯洛伐克东部申请庇护大不列颠的出走增加。 1,256名申请庇护罗姆少数民族在斯洛伐克,他们大部分来自Michalovce区。
9月11日:斯洛伐克中央选举委员会拒绝申请,寻求认可的监测该国的选票,在本月晚些时候的当地和国际选举观察员。
9月23日:国际咨询委员会指责政府运行斯洛伐克选举的偏见和不公平的做法,总理弗拉基米尔梅恰尔。梅恰尔的一封信中,该委员会说, “气候的焦虑”已经通过创建独立记者的暴力侵害行为。信中还指责政府故意阻碍在他们的努力,参与或覆盖选举过程的独立的民间团体和媒体。
9月25-26日:反对党 - 民主联军斯洛伐克,匈牙利联盟党,公民了解党和民主左翼党 - 胜斯洛伐克议会选举中被击败,梅恰尔HZDS的。
10月13日,欧盟委员会发言人在布拉迪斯拉发,球员: Slysko说,他乐观地认为,斯洛伐克能够尽快加入该组的“快车道”国家正在考虑加入欧盟。 Slysko说,如果斯洛伐克没有参加爱沙尼亚,捷克共和国,匈牙利,波兰,塞浦路斯12月,那么他认为这很可能是明年,它可能加入该组。
1999年
1月1日:斯洛伐克总理祖林达说, 1999年很可能是该国将不得不面对“最困难的经济形势”到现在为止。他呼吁斯洛伐克购买斯洛伐克产品,并通过展示“团结,责任和团结,以帮助重建的”蹂躏“经济”。他还表示,布拉迪斯拉发必须“千方百计”,确保“上车”欧洲一体化在1999年得到。
1月14日:议会修订宪法,该国总统选举,由民众直接投票。斯洛伐克总统去年3月以来一直没有。
1月23日:英国是最大的投资者, 1998年在斯洛伐克,斯洛伐克统计局报告。它的投资占1998年外商投资总额的28.7 % 。在1998年的第二大投资者是的美国荷兰之后排在第三位。
2月11日:最近成立的匈牙利斯洛伐克少数民族事务委员会建议成立的匈牙利语言学院在斯洛伐克大学和斯洛伐克语言学院在匈牙利大学。
3月26日:数百人证明在斯洛伐克首都的中心,以抗议北约空袭。组织示威活动是由共产党和斯洛伐克民族党。
4月12日:一名内政部官员说,斯洛伐克可以接受的科索沃难民的“成千上万” 。 1月米哈尔科说,这些难民可能被他们的临时居留许可证到期后获得政治庇护。
4月16日:南斯拉夫联盟总统米洛舍维奇“是一个男人谁不希望任何更多的流血事件在他的国家” ,梅恰尔补充说,无异于入侵,北约空袭南斯拉夫和塞尔维亚人现正处于“同样的事情,因为我们在1968年做了“的时候,由华沙条约国家的入侵捷克斯洛伐克。
5月15日:捷克总理米洛什·泽曼和他的斯洛伐克外长祖林达,解决了捷克斯洛伐克的分裂有关的悬而未决的问题之一。两国领导人,会议在斯洛伐克小镇考威科,同意国家的国家的房地产基金将开展斯洛伐克Vseobecna uverova BANKA和捷克KOMERCNI BANKA的1:1的比例交换之间的利害关系。
5月17日:鲁道夫·舒斯特斯洛伐克总统选举中以47.38 %的得票率赢得第一轮。前总理弗拉基米尔·梅恰尔37%排在第二。两位候选人,现在将提前到5月29日的第二轮投票,赢得了相当多的票比过去的民意调查,在大选前提出。
5月29日:斯洛伐克科希策市市长鲁道夫·舒斯特当选新总统。